Conflict analysis is central to both international security studies and peace studies .
Conflit analysis

In today's world most armed conflicts are intra-state or civil wars.

The Uppsala Conflict Data Program is provider of data on organized violence in the world.

Size, preparation,and legitimation are the three main characteristics of war.

Size, preparation, and legitimation are among the three main characteristics of a war.

Size, preparation, and legitimation are the three main characteristics of a war.

Religion is a cultural factor related to contemporaray armed conflicts.

Poverty is among the social/economic fastors related to armed conflicts. The other options are not among the socail/economic factors.

Incomplete sentence gives the definition of physical violence.

Brainwashing is an example of psychological violence.

There are many definitions of war, but it would be possible to identify three main characteristics that are used to define it:

• its size - it results in at least 1,000 battle deaths and this does not include the indirect victims because of displacement, famine or disease.
• preparation - it involves large scale mobilisation and preparation.
• legitimation - it is legitimised by a government or quasi-government structure, so it is a duty but not a crime (Singer and Small, 1972).

One of the most typical contemporary civil wars is coined as resource wars, and they result from the power dynamics over the control, use and exploitation of natural resources such as oil, timber, minerals, and water. Such resource wars have shown an increasing trend so far and this trajectory will likely be the case in the future since the demand for natural resources have been getting greater than before in considerable proportions. There are many communities across the world that are affected by the scarcity of critical natural resources. For example, the lack of water is likely to be one of the most common civil war causes in the future. However, it is not only the lack of resources that cause conflicts, but also their abundance, which is known as ‘resource curse’. There are many countries in the world that have been torn apart by armed conflict because they have plenty of natural resources such as mines, oil, gas, and timber. This may seem to be paradoxical but the legal and illegal resource exploitation help trigger civil wars and exacerbate them because they provide easily accessible financial resources for the continuation of civil wars (Renner, 2002; Le Billion, 2008; Zambonis, 2004). In relation to the close correlation between natural resources and armed conflict, the following main trends have been observed: Civil wars depend on natural resource export and/or exploitation rather than the abundance of natural resources itself as a factor that is connected to civil war.

The ‘greed’ dimension locates individual and group motivations in the realm of desire for material gain, profit-making and inter-group competition over natural resources. Grievance based motivations emphasise deprivation with respect to material resources, socio-economic status, and political participation (Gurr, 2000). The South African land ownership dispute and resulting abolition of Apartheid stems from the grievance of locals being deprived ownership of the land they lived on.

Although many cultural identities are inherited, they are sometimes created, modified, or reconstructed. A representative example of this is the influence of colonialism on the development of cultural identities in Africa, Latin America, Asia, and elsewhere. For instance, the arbitrary boundaries drawn by Europeans in their quest to establish states in Africa and Asia divided once cohesive communities, and in some cases brought together groups who had long been in competition or conflict. Moreover, colonial administrations in many countries utilised the policy of ‘divide and rule’, which led to fierce intertribal rivalries. As the colonial masters withdrew after independence, the struggle for power that ensued transformed these inter-tribal rivalries into bitter and protracted armed conflicts in some regions. This was particularly the case in Africa, where a number of groups are still engaged in armed conflicts over political and economic resources (Rupesinghe, 1998).

There has been extensive research on the causality or correlation between a number of social and economic issues and military conflicts. If cultural factors draw clear distinctions between social groups, socio-economic factors serve to promote the tensions and competition between them. More specifically, such research focuses on the political and economic interests of the actors who engage in conflict. The type of political system in a country can strongly affect both the possibility of war breaking out and its progress. Thus, the political system is a socioeconomic factor influencing violent conflict.

Physical violence refers to violence that harms the human body or physical objects. By contrast, psychological violence includes the types of action that might affect human psychology, including “lies, brainwashing, indoctrination of various kinds, threats, etc” (Galtung, 1969: 19), and the impact of psychological violence is not always easily identifiable. However, an increasing number of studies apply systematic analysis on psychological violence (Krippner and McIntyre, 2003; Martz, 2010). In this case, the oppression and suppression of critical views in the media by the state is a form of psychological violence.

Structural violence concerns the manipulation of the structures and institutions that exist in society by people/groups in order to suppress others. Although these structures and institutions generally support the functioning of society for the benefit of all, they can be exploited to engender structural violence. Suppression of human rights, gender/age discrimination, institutional violence (as within the police or military), and exclusion of some religious groups are examples of structural violence.

Cultural violence has strong links with the day-to-day activities and perceptions of a social group. Various aspects of culture (e.g. religion, ideology, language, etc.) can be used to justify violence against certain sectors of society, thus preventing people from meeting their basic needs and reaching their full potentials. For instance, while the common language shared by a particular social group serves to promote effective communication and social cohesion within that group, it can become a focal point for cleavage between that group and others.

In its widest sense, the conflict analysis is undertaken to have an understanding of:

• the background and history of the conflict and violence and related circumstances;
• who are the main actors in terms of individuals, communities, organisations, armed groups - internal, regional and international;
• why they claim to take part in this conflict in terms of their justifications and how these actors relate to each other;
• root causes of the conflict and how they have changed over the time, and what kind of conflict dynamics they have produced;
• the impact of the conflict - physical, social, economic, political, etc.
• what responses to halt and resolve that conflict have been undertaken, and what their successes and failures have been to date.

Conflict mapping is probably one of the most widely used conflict analysis tools and it aims to show the relationships between parties in the conflict. To start with, the size of circles for each party would indicate their power with regard to the conflict. Second, there are different ways of visualising relationship types such as straight lines for close relationships, while dotted lines are used for informal or intermittent links.

The Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) is the world’s main provider of data on organized violence and the oldest ongoing data collection project for civil war...
Yanıt C'dir.

Therefore, in this chapter two main elements of conflict analysis that are particularly relevant to peacebuilding are introduced: sources and forms of conflicts...P.31
Yanıt D'dir.

In terms of the origin of civil wars, the end of the Cold War is considered as the critical turning point because of the nexus between the collapse of the bipolar world order and the rising of the globalisation process in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
Yanıt A'dır.

...regarding to the “resource curse”? kavramına ilişkin olarak tanımlar sayfa 33-34'te verilmiştir. E şıkkı bu tanımlar içerisinde yer almaz, bu bölümde verilen bilgilere dayanarak, etnik ve dini farkların, kaynakların ne şekilde kullanılacağına dair anlaşmazlığa yol açtığını söylemek, mümkün değildir.
Yanıt E'dir.

Answer B is not showing the reason of the sources of violent conflicts. (The other sources can be seen between the pages 35-39)
Yanıt B'dir.

Answer A is not an example of “communitarian motivation.
Conflicts for cross-border mercenary activity in the Mano River conflicts of Sierra Leone and Liberia are profit-maximising or materially focused rather than being purely ideological.
Yanıt A'dır.

...latent violence denotes potential violence that may not yet be apparent. For instance, regarding the British and French colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa, although manifest violence of the colonialist powers targeted a relatively small number of people, the fear of African populations of potential violence enabled the UK and France to control the countries. P.40
Example given in the question is located with in the section "Manifest Violence and Latent Violence"
Yanıt D'dir.

The answer C is not releavent to the definitions given regarding to conflict analysis.
The other options are taken from the page 41.
Yanıt C'dir.

Given definition is taken from the "Stages of Conflict" section which is a conflict analysis tool.
Yanıt A'dır.

Given definition is taken from "The Onion" section which is a conflict analysis tool.
Yanıt B'dir.

There are many definitions of war, but it would be possible to identify three main characteristics that are used to define it:
• its size - it results in at least 1,000 battle deaths and this does not include the indirect victims because of displacement, famine or disease.
• preparation - it involves large scale mobilisation and preparation.
• legitimation - it is legitimised by a government or quasi-government structure, so it is a duty but not a crime

In relation to the close correlation between natural resources and armed conflict, the following main trends have been observed:
• Civil wars depend on natural resource export and/or exploitation rather than the abundance of natural resources itself as a factor that is connected to civil war.
• Natural resource wealth influences the extent of civil war rather than its inception.
• Natural resources which are geographically located and easily controllable, tend to prolong civil wars (Collier and Hoeffler, 1998).

Cultural heritage, such as language, religion, ethnicity and nationality, can be an important source of the conflict between individuals and groups. Some scholars have posited that cultural factors are more likely to cause violent conflict than other factors since actors are less likely to compromise on such issues (Huntington, 1993). Many previous examples of violent conflict demonstrate that people fight to maintain their own cultural identity
or remove others, and various discussions in peace studies point to the significant roles played by the following three factors - namely ethnicity, religion, and legacies of colonialism- in the emergence and development of a violent conflict. In particular, ethnicity and religion have been argued to be the two most outstanding sources of contemporary armed conflicts.

T‍he academic community is largely in agreement on the role that poor economic conditions play as a long-term source of violent conflicts. If a society does not offer adequate opportunities for the fulfilment of people’s needs, the possibility of violence increases. Moreover, the competition between social groups becomes more intense in cases where resources are limited, and violent conflict is therefore more likely to erupt. Socio-economic inequality sometimes plays a bigger role than poverty per se in initiating violent conflicts. Inequalities in economic wealth or political power usually produce an exclusive social hierarchy that heightens social tensions. Economic growth is normally uneven, increasing the interests of some groups while subjecting others to new forms of poverty. If the disadvantaged groups’ attempts to redress the social disparity continually fail, their anger and resentment is likely to increase tensions and raise the likelihood of violence. The dominant groups are also tempted to use violence to maintain their privilege against “the challenges posed by endemic economic crises, foreign competition, and workers’ demands”. T‍he type of political system in a country can strongly affect both the possibility of war breaking out and its progress. Societies in which people are free to express their grievances and seek their redress through peaceful means (e.g. via dialogue or political deliberation) are less likely to experience violent conflict than other types of societies. The academic discourse on the role of the political system in preventing violent conflicts in increased with the emergence of Democratic Peace Theory, which argues that “democratic states almost never go to war with each other”

In addition to the cultural and socioeconomic sources of conflict, there are two contemporary issues that have attracted particular academic attention in recent times: the proliferation of small arms and environmental degradation.
Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons
The growth in the global arms trade has made small arms and light weapons readily available to those factions able to afford them. It is estimated that there are half a billion small arms currently in circulation worldwide, causing the death of approximately half a million people annually. Unlike nuclear, chemical or biological weapons, nation states and the international community have encountered serious challenges in controlling and preventing the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. The widespread availability of small arms continues to pose a major threat to human security and has been implicated as a factor in starting and prolonging a large number of violent conflicts since “war is possible as soon as weapons are available with which to fight it” (Smith, 2004: 5). 39
Environmental Degradation
Environmental degradation in many cases causes a rapid reduction in three types of renewable resources - water, forests and fertile soil - and the scarcity of these resources initiates or propels military conflicts. For instance, the lack of water due to chronic drought frequently causes serious inter-clan conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa. When the problem of scarcity is combined with the issue of uneven distribution, the risk of violence becomes much higher. Thus, as global climate change has increased the frequency and intensity of such formidable natural disasters, the conflicts caused/catalysed by environmental degradation are becoming a central issue in peace and conflict studies.

Physical and Psychological Violence
Whether a form of violence affects the body or mind is a fundamental criterion for categorising the type of violence. Physical violence refers to violence that harms the human body or physical objects. Galtung (1969: 169) suggests that physical violence can be categorised into two groups: biological violence and physical violence that constrains human movements (e.g. imprisonment). The effects of physical violence on human behaviour are clearly evident and have been well explored in previous peace studies (in fact, most previous academic discussion on the impact of warfare focus on this aspect). By contrast, psychological violence includes the types of action that might affect human psychology, including “lies, brainwashing, indoctrination of various kinds, threats, etc” (Galtung, 1969: 19), and the impact of psychological violence is not always easily identifiable. However, an increasing number of studies apply systematic analysis on psychological violence (Krippner and McIntyre, 2003; Martz, 2010).
Intended Violence and Unintended Violence
In traditional models of moral judgement, including Judaeo-Christian ethics and Roman jurisprudence, the ‘intention’ or ‘purpose’ of a person’s behaviour is considered more important than the consequences of their behaviour. As a result, many previous studies have tended to neglect the impact of unintended violence, even though unintended violence in human society may have devastating effects on human well-being. One example is structural violence, which has a serious effect on people’s lives but may not reflect the intention of a certain person or a group to harm the people. Another is environmental pollution, in which case, although the effects may be unintentional, careless policies and practices may have serious consequences.
Manifest Violence and Latent Violence
While manifest violence refers to forms of violence that are observable, latent violence denotes potential violence that may not yet be apparent. For instance, regarding the British and French colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa, although manifest violence of the colonialist powers targeted a relatively small number of people, the fear of African populations of potential violence enabled the UK and France to control the countries. As with unintended violence, some academic studies have failed to recognise the potential impact of latent violence. As Galtung argues, it is important to include this form of violence in an analytical framework because as the level of potential violence increases, social tension and instability intensify (Galtung, 1969: 173). In fact, the inclusion of latent violence in the equation significantly expands the scope of peacebuilding operations to include efforts to address the ‘invisible’ dimensions of war-affected societies.

In its widest sense, the conflict analysis is undertaken to have an understanding of:

• the background and history of the conflict and violence and related circumstances;
• who are the main actors in terms of individuals, communities, organisations, armed groups - internal, regional and international;
• why they claim to take part in this conflict in terms of their justifications and how these actors relate to each other;
• root causes of the conflict and how they have changed over the time, and what kind of conflict dynamics they have produced;
• the impact of the conflict - physical, social, economic, political, etc.
• what responses to halt and resolve that conflict have been undertaken, and what their successes and failures have been to date.

Some of the most commonly used conflict analysis tools are:

• Stages of conflict
• Timelines
• Conflict mapping
• The ABC (Attitude, Behaviour, Context) Triangle
• The Onion
• The Conflict Tree
• Force-Field Analysis
• Pillars
• The Pyramid

Based on the analogy of an onion with different layers, this tool is based on the premise of Needs, Interests and Positions for each party to the conflict. In the core of the onion, the tool aims to identify what each party identifies its needs in terms of ‘What we must have’, then as interests, ‘What we really want’, and then finally in the outer layer, as positions, ‘What we say we want’. As indicated with these three layers of questions, the tool aims to analyse what different parties to a conflict are ‘saying’. In this way, it would be possible to move beyond the parties’ public position which could be quite different than each party’s real interests and needs. Having done such an analysis, the expectation would be to find the common ground between the parties in order to explore opportunities for further discussions and dialogue. This tool would be particularly useful in the planning stages of dialogue sessions between the parties to a conflict as well as mediation and negotiation interventions.

In this analysis, ‘pillars’ represent a range of factors that hold up the unstable situation in the way it is. Therefore, the tool aims to identify what these pillars are so that they could be removed or their effects would be minimised. Subsequently, a negative situation could be transformed into a positive one. Having identified the unstable situation such as a particular conflict and placed in the middle of an inverted triangle standing on one point. The next stage of the exercise would involve the identification of ‘supporting pillars’ on both sides of the triangle. For example, the conflict between the parties might be supported by such pillars as prejudices, corruption, unjust laws, regional interferences, historical grievances, etc. Next, the exercise would consider how each pillar could be weakened or completely removed, and what actions and interventions this would require. It would also be possible to explore how these forces could be turned into positive ones with an outlook of what roles that the parties could play in such a process.

Before positing a definition of conflict, we first need to clarify when to name a dispute a war and when to name it a conflict. Succinctly put it, the main difference between
war and conflict is the number of casualties: if the annual battle-related death toll is 1000 or more; then it is called a war, and if less, that is a conflict. So we can safely stress that if a conflict is not managed, it can lead to a war, making the conflict management a crucial stage in the cycle between war and peace. Conflicts can happen between inter-states or intra-states.
Correct answer is C

As the devastating consequences of the two World Wars and the maintenance of nuclear deterrence during the Cold War proved an inter-state war highly costly, the number and intensity of internal or intra-state conflicts have culminated from the late-1980s. Additionally, compared to the earlier practices in international relations, shifting international borders by force became almost unattainable during the Cold War, which proved the era more stable in terms of inter-state wars.
However, for that very same reason, internal conflicts increased and even became the common practice, particularly in the 1990s.
Your answer must be D option

The efforts to reach an agreement between the adverse parties are called conflict settlement, during which elites of the opposing sides take part in a negotiation process, probably through the mediation of a third .party
Correct answer is given in A option.

Peacekeeping is a conflict resolution strategy that aims to contain violence and prevent it from turning to war; to limit the intensity, geographical spread and duration of the conflict if it started; and to consolidate a ceasefire and create an environment for reconciliation in the post-war period
The correct answer is given in the B option.

The final phase of the conflict resolution is the transformation. The success and ending of conflicts do not necessarily imply a stable and enduring peace. With these in mind, it is conflict transformation that builds peace in the cultural and structural spheres, with transforming both institutions and discourses of the conflicting parties.
You have to select A option

The statement given in A is Geopolitic reason, C is Kapitalpolitic and D is Idealpolitic reasons. The statement E is not related to interstate reasons.
Correct answer is B

Assimilation, population transfer, secession/partition are negative regulation methods and Consociational democracy is positive regulation method.
A is the correct answer

Secession between Czech Republic and Slovakia is a successful example. Similarly, South Sudan and Sudan is another successful example, The other options are unsuccessful examples of secession.
One occasional illustrative example is the case of Czechoslovakia, which was dubbed as
a velvet separation for the peaceful partition of two independent states, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, in 1993. Another pattern is that of Yugoslavia, in which the international community was involved by forming a judicial commission to decide on the perils of the break-up. As a result, the commission decided that only official federal
entities could be recognized as independent states, reflecting the underlying logic of today’s states-system. India-Pakistan, Pakistan-Bangladesh, Ethiopia-Eritrea, and Sudan-South Sudan might be considered as other successful examples.
On the other hand, Northern Iraq, Basque country and Catalonia of Spain, Northern Cyprus, Quebec in Canada, and Scotland in th
Correct answer is E

Control policy is on the most negative side of the accommodation methods. It recognizes the differences among groups and the identities of the minorities; however, that does not bring forward democratic and egalitarian approaches towards those groups. Control method is somewhat based on the hegemonic control of the dominant group over minority groups. The former restricts the political opportunities and activities of the other groups, controlling them, restricting their actions and freedoms.
The stability is the primary concern of the state applying this method. Any restriction on the life of minority groups is legitimized via stability discourse. The apartheid regime (1948-1994) in South Africa and the status of Palestinian Arabs in Israel are clear examples of this implementation. T
Correct answer is D

Control policy is on the most negative side of the accommodation methods. It recognizes the differences among groups and the identities of the minorities; however, that does not bring forward democratic and egalitarian approaches towards those groups. Control method is somewhat based on the hegemonic control of the dominant group over minority groups. The former restricts the political opportunities and activities of the other groups, controlling them, restricting their actions and freedoms.
The stability is the primary concern of the state applying this method. Any restriction on the life of minority groups is legitimized via stability discourse. The apartheid regime (1948-1994) in South Africa and the status of Palestinian Arabs in Israel are clear examples of this implementation.
Correct answer is B

A similar understanding can thoroughly be applied to the inter-system conflict, given the intra-system is a sub-system of the inter-system. After laying probable motivations for violence, Galtung defines “conflict management” as “the efforts to maintain the costs of conflicts below a maximum level become a necessity for a system” (Galtung, 1965: 350).

The initial UN peacekeeping mission was enforced after the 1956 Suez Crisis (Sobotka, 2011: 199).
After Suez Crisis

The final phase of the conflict resolution is the transformation.
Conflict Transformation

Therefore, international and regional organizations, including the European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the UN, inevitably undertook more responsibility and roles in the resolution of conflicts.
I,II, and III

Since the end of the Cold War, the inter-state conflicts have been few in comparison to intra tate conflicts. According to Wallensteen (2002: 95-96), the reasons for interstate conflicts can be divided into four categories as the following:

• The first category includes Geopolitik reasons. That is, seeking control over certain territories can give rise to interstate wars.


• Thesecond is Realpolitik reasons. Seeking to maximize power and power capabilities-for example becoming regionally dominant can lead to wars among states.


• The third is Kapitalpolitik reasons. Economic issues, such oil prices, pipelines, transportation routes, and relations between wealthy and poor countries, can play central roles in the emergence of interstate armed conflicts.


• The fourth category is Idealpolitik reasons. Ideological and legitimacy issues can cause a conflict between two states.

Metapolitik

The negative methods to resolve the intra-state conflicts include:
• assimilation,
• secession/partition,
• population transfer.
I and IV

The prerequisites of a consociational democracy are: grand coalition, autonomy, veto right (minority veto), and proportionality (Lijphart, 1977: 4).
Integration

The main principles of power sharing includes the following: grand coalition governments in which nearly all political parties have appointments; protection of minority rights for groups; decentralization of power; and decision making by consensus.
I, II, and III

“The new world order” emerged in the 1990s prioritized resolving conflicts with strategies realized under an international organization or a coalition.
The new world order” emerged in the 1990s prioritized resolving conflicts with strategies realized under an international organization or a coalition.

You can read at "Introduction".
20th is the correct answer.

You can read at "Introduction".
1957 is the correct answer.

You can read at "The Concept of Conflict".
Conflict is the correct answer.

You can read at "The Concept of Conflict".
Holistic is the correct answer.

You can read at "The Concept of Peace".
Johan Galtung is the correct answer.

You can read at "The Concept of Peace".
Intra-system conflict is the correct answer.

You can read at "The Concept of Peace".
Conflict management is the correct answer.

You can read at "The Concept of Peace".
Negative peace is the correct answer.

You can read at "Conflict Prevention".
Conflict prevention is the correct answer.

Conflict prevention aims to avert the emergence of violent conflict. In this phase, conflict is aimed to be prevented by endeavoring to reach a compromise or minimize the differences and/or incompatibilities between the confronting sides. It is achieved through developing structural and interactive tools or strengthening the capacities for a peaceful resolution and decreasing the causes of the conflict.

Conflict management (and conflict regulation) is a generic term that covers a whole process. The concept can encompass constraining the conflict, mitigation, limitation, and decreasing of violence through negotiation, arbitration, or other methods and processes in order to create an environment in which reaching a peace agreement is attainable.

The efforts to reach an agreement between the adverse parties are called conflict settlement, during which elites of the opposing sides take part in a negotiation process, probably through the mediation of a third party. Had the parties agreed to settle the conflict, to make an agreement to stop it, the process is considered
successful (Ramsbotham et al., 2015: 31). However, it does not mean that the conflict is entirely over since the parties can easily pose excuses to abandon or violate the agreement and resort to violent means, as the negotiation process in the Colombian conflict reveals. The central government conducted peace talks
to reach an agreement for decades; nevertheless, each time an agreement was reached, one of the sides found an excuse and broke the process. In a nutshell, conflict settlement aims to end violent conflict and direct the parties towards peace by settling a dialogue between them and along with providing a suitable
environment.

Peacekeeping is a conflict resolution strategy that aims to contain violence and prevent it from turning to war; to limit the intensity, geographical spread and duration of the conflict if it started; and to consolidate a ceasefire and create an environment for reconciliation in the post-war period (Ramsbotham et al., 2015:
147). Peacekeeping traditionally refers to the deployment of lightly-armed military forces between the armed forces of belligerents in order to monitor a ceasefire or patrol a buffer zone. Peacemaking aims to change the attitudes of conflicting parties to reach a settlement while peacebuilding addresses structural causes
which lie at the root of the conflict in order to create a lasting peace.

It is conflict transformation that builds peace in the cultural and structural spheres, with transforming both institutions and discourses of the conflicting parties so that the profound causesof the conflict are transformed, and sustainable peace is restored (Ramsbotham et al., 2015: 31). The restoration of peace could be achieved through the transformation of the context in which the conflict takes place, particularly through regional or systemic changes. As a result, the new and changed environment makes the conflict less meaningful and easy to transform to a peaceful coexistence. In this respect, conflict transformation could be attained through the conversion of opposing actors. For instance, an alteration in the number of actors carries the conflict from a zero-sum game to a distinct nature. Additionally, an explicit shift from extremism to more moderate in the perspectives of actors and leaders of the confronting sides also might render transformation.

According to Wallensteen (2002: 95-96), the reasons for interstate conflicts can be divided into four categories as the following:

• The first category includes Geopolitik reasons. That is, seeking control over certain territories can give rise to interstate
• The second is Realpolitik reasons. Seeking to maximize power and power capabilities-for example becoming regionally dominant can lead to wars among states.
• The third is Kapitalpolitik reasons. Economic issues, such oil prices, pipelines, transportation routes, and relations between wealthy and poor countries, can play central roles in the emergence of interstate armed conflicts.
• The fourth category is Idealpolitik reasons. Ideological and legitimacy issues can cause a conflict between two states.

According to Wallensteen (2002: 95-96), the reasons for interstate conflicts can be divided into four categories as the following:
-The first category includes Geopolitik reasons. That is, seeking control over
certain territories can give rise to interstate
-The second is Realpolitik reasons. Seeking to maximize power and power capabilities-for example becoming regionally dominant can lead to wars among states.
-The third is Kapitalpolitik reasons. Economic issues, such oil prices, pipelines, transportation routes, and relations between wealthy and poor countries, can play central roles in the emergence of interstate armed conflicts.
-The fourth category is Idealpolitik reasons. Ideological and legitimacy issues can cause a conflict between two states.

Assimilation policy expects the extermination of minority identities, melting their members into the accepted state identity. Aiming to enforce the acceptance of the preferred identity, the assimilationist state deploys coercive means when
there is resistance to the hegemonic policies. A softer version of assimilation policy is integration which tolerates different identities but allows them only in the private lives of individuals, however, expecting every citizen to act in accordance
with the state identity in public life. With this policy, ethnic or native tongue speakers are allowed to practice these languages in the private space. Nonetheless, the education system is built upon the official language of the state, which is also expected to be used in public life. This policy, ideally, facilitates the assimilation of minorities in the long-run and voluntarily, where harsher assimilation policy aims short-term outcomes and does it through force
(Erkem Gulboy, 2015: 60). In the cases in which strong minority identities persist, assimilation policies are challenging to succeed; they will typically result in conflict or prompts the minority to leave the country for a more liberal state where they may enjoy their culture, venturing to be diasporas away from their home.

The most democratic and representative method of accommodation is consociational democracy. In this form, all major groups of the society are ideally
recognized and provided with representation at the state level. It is achieved through the compromise of the elites of different groups. Since the sustainability of the accommodation rests on the elites’ compromise and cooperation
regarding the governance of the state together, any conflict among the groups is strictly avoided. In a nutshell, the goodwill of the elites is mandatory
to sustain such system work. The prerequisites of a consociational democracy are: grand coalition, autonomy, veto right (minority veto), and proportionality.

Power sharing “is a term used to describe a system of governance in which all major segments of society are provided a permanent share of power; this system is often contrasted with government vs. opposition systems in which ruling coalitions rotate among various social groups over time” (Sisk, 2003) The main principles of power sharing includes the following: grand coalition governments
in which nearly all political parties have appointments; protection of minority rights for groups; decentralization of power; and decision making by consensus.

Saunders (1999:26) identifies actors in five arenas who may contribute to the peace process:
1. Official actors: Governments and international organizations using official diplomatic methods for conflict resolution.
2. Quasi-official actors: Actors working outside of the government, but have a close relationship with it.
3. Public actors: Citizens outside of government. They don’t have to use official methods but can provide a bridge between officials and civil society.
4. Civil society actors: Civil society from different areas that work closely to bring divided societies together.
5. Actors from outside of the conflict: They show the intervention capacity of the national, regional, and international context.
Saunders does not specifically mention actors from the media as a group that plays a role in the peace process. Thus, the correct answer is E.

The social peace process refers to the reconciliation phase of the peace process. It involves social transformation, which goes beyond the political peace process and conflict transformation. This period focuses on forgiveness, memory work, memorialization, remembering, public apologies, truth, and reconciliation procedures. Cultural symbols (national flags, anthems, etc.) and identity are reevaluated during this period.
The correct answer is B.

In pre-negotiations, to overcome confidence problems, the parties use confidence-building methods such as public statements, the release of prisoners, and the declaration of ceasefires.
The correct answer is A.

One of the psychological variables of readiness theory is optimism. Optimism refers to a sense of the possibility of moving to a mutually acceptable agreement. Pruitt (2007:1529) says that motivation by itself is not enough to involve a negotiation; parties need optimism about the results of the peace talks. Three elements, or states of mind, affect the emergence of optimism:

• Working trust
  
• Lowered aspirations
  
• A perceived light at the end of the tunnel
  

The correct answer is E.

Back-channel communication is secret communication between the leadership of opposing groups (including organizations and nations) that is designed to foster settlement of a conflict between them.
The correct answer is B.

In principled bargaining, in which the people are separated from the solution, participants are problem solvers. The parties are soft on the people, hard on the problem.
The correct answer is E.

Framework or substantive agreements are the second type of peace agreement and have similarities with pre-negotiation agreements. However, these agreements are designed with more detailed and comprehensive issues. Parties want to move forward by signing a framework agreement, but do not need to come to a final agreement. They may confirm the desire for a resumption of peace talks and organize peace panels, schedules, and venues. Instead of a sine qua non, parties can produce an interim agreement as a step towards a more comprehensive settlement.
The correct answer is C.

Security has always been one of the priorities for conflicting parties to bring about peace both after civil or interstate wars. Parties may give a guarantee to the other side not to be restrained, arrested, searched, or harassed by the agreement. In this regard, Wallensteen (2002:149) defines five criteria to manage security issues:

• Demilitarisation and a unified army
  
• Giving guarantees for leaders
  
• International involvement, such as peacekeeping forces
  
• Power-sharing
  
• Amnesty to leaders, officers, and soldiers.
  

The correct answer is D.

According to Putnam (2002:259-260), parties should find a balance between demand and tensions to success peace and human rights. In this process, implementers must balance the conditions of the agreement and limited resources.
The correct answer is B.

The peace process between the government and MILF returned to negotiations after President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took office in 2001. This time, the MILF insisted on inviting a third party from the OIC to monitor the ceasefire. Malaysia, a member of the OIC and neighbor of the Philippines, got involved, and Kuala Lumpur, its capital, became the venue for negotiations. Three rounds of peace negotiations were held. After the first, they signed the Tripoli Agreement on Peace in 2001, the first comprehensive agreement between the MILF and government.
The correct answer is D.

The definiton does not make distinction between social and political sides of the peace process.
II, III, IV, V

Public actors do have a role to provide a bridge in the peace process.

It is unofficial and the parties can communicate without binding decisions and official commitments.
The sides can have a meeting with exploratory talks

Both partiies should do cost and benefit analysis and perceive the cost much more than the benefit.
Both parties should perceive the cost as a catastrophe

It is diffucult for parties to realize or peceive the ripeness of the moment at the same time.
Both parties are required to realize ripeness of the moment

According to this theory, Motivation is not expected to lead parties to have much more ambitious goals. İt is just about the desire to end the conflict.
Motivation leads parties to have much more ambitious goals

Negotiations take place at the second phase fllowing the Pre-negotiations.

It is a competitive or zero-sum or win-lose strategy.
It is a competitive strategy

To build trust for further talks and agreements to temporarily stop war is among the purposes of pre-negotiation agreements.

Timetable, Wordingand Content of peace agreements are the procedural features of peace agreements which have a crucial role in the implementation period.
I, II, III

You can read in "Introduction" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "Peace as Process" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "Peace as Process" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "Peace as Process" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "Peace as Process" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "Conditions for Peace Negotiations".
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "The Ripeness Theory" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "The Ripeness Theory".
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "The Readiness Theory".
The choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "Negotiations" section.
The choice A is the right answer.

While this concept referred mostly to the negotiation and mediation stages of conflict resolution at the official level, it has expanded to include a broader framework, actors, phases, and attempts of conflict resolution
today. Darby and Mac Ginty (2003:2) define the peace process as “peace initiatives involving the main antagonists in a protracted conflict."

According to Brewer (2015) peace process is "the series of actions that lead up to the resolution of conflict and the negotiation and signing of a peace accord, as well as the series of actions that implement and consolidate the agreement afterward"

The social peace process refers to the reconciliation phase of the peace process. It involves social transformation, which goes beyond the political peace process and conflict transformation. This period focuses on forgiveness, memory work, memorialization, remembering, public apologies, truth, and reconciliation procedures. Cultural symbols (national flags, anthems, etc.) and identity are reevaluated during this period.

The first and most essential element of ripeness theory is a mutually hurting stalemate. It is mostly based on cost-benefit analysis. When conflicting parties calculate the cost and benefit of a conflict, the cost should be perceived as a catastrophe. The cost of war increases while the benefit of victory is reduced. That means the benefits of negotiations outweigh the losses of further fighting. The cost could be perceived as a loss of human lives, economic or military resources, or time. On the contrary, when one party finds continuing conflict more profitable than the cost of concession, negotiations may turn to a failed negotiation.

As the first psychological variable of readiness theory, motivation refers to the motivation to end
a conflict. It emerges from a perception that the conflict is dysfunctional or when pressure is applied by a third party.In this regard, Pruitt (2005a:7) highlights the role of third parties in motivating actors to stop fighting.The second psychological variable of readiness theory is optimism. Optimism refers to a sense of the possibility of moving to a mutually acceptable
agreement. Pruitt (2007:1529) says that motivation by itself is not enough to involve a negotiation; parties need optimism about the results of the peace talks.According to Pruitt (2007), parties have to lower their aspirations to increase optimism. Thus, parties will be more optimistic and have less ambitious goals before entering negotiations.

Negotiation is “an interaction in which people try to meet their needs or accomplish their goals by reaching an agreement with others who are trying to get their own needs met”. When opposing parties want to find solutions, they have to accept that this process includes trade-offs with a lot of give-and-take. It is important to remember that it is not realistic to expect to be satisfied with all demands and resolve the problem without discussion.

Back-channel communication is secret communication between the leadership of opposing groups (including organizations and nations) that is designed to foster settlement of a conflict between them.

Fisher et al. (2016) offer a third way of negotiation that involves positional and integrative bargaining strategies and can be adapted to all negotiation processes. It has four essential points:
• People: “Separate the people from the problem.” Negotiating parties should separate the people from the problem. People should see each other as people working to solve the same problem.
• Interests: “Focus on interests, not positions.” Position limits to reach the benefit of negotiation. In this regard, participants should focus on interests while ignoring positions.
• Options: “Generate a variety of possibilities before deciding what to do.” It is challenging to create new ideas and solutions under pressure. Focusing on a single solution prevents the emergence of
alternative thought. Parties should look for mutually alternative solutions before an agreement.
• Criteria: “Insist the result be based on some objective standard.” In the traditional method, while one side accepts compromise, the other may get everything it wants. However, it is possible to create a fair agreement for each party. In this sense, law, experts, and custom will help to develop objective criteria.

Scholars defined the main components which affect the success or failure of the peace agreement. The following reasons may cause the collapse of peace agreements:
Failure to establish a human rights
mechanism,
• Political spoilers,
• To benefit militarily from changing conditions,
• Failure of military confidence-building measures,
• Reducing the pressure of third parties to implement the settlement,
• A high number of soldiers,
• More than two warring parties,
• Absence of a peace agreement signed by all warring parties,
• A failed state,
• The presence of disposable natural resources,
• The presence of hostile neighboring states or networks,
• Demands for secession.

Peacebuilding is a multi-level and interwoven process. Although peace agreements provide a roadmap for implementation mechanisms, during the transition period, new institutions and
mechanisms may be needed in order to address the needs and expectations of the parties or people. Therefore, the post-settlement period requires additional components, such as respecting human rights, creating a dialogue between diverse cultures, democratic participation, economic development, and equality. In this vein, it needs stakeholders from national to international levels for peacebuilding. International guarantors, civil society, and local actors contribute to this complex period.

The Term was first coined by Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung in 1976.

According to our textbook, "UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali who, in his Agenda for Peace, introduced the concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as an important step in the sequence of preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, and peacekeeping."

According to our book, "Post-conflict reconstruction is mainly composed of four phases- namely emergency relief, rehabilitation, reform and modernization, and
peace consolidation."
4

According to our text book, "Post-conflict reconstruction is mainly composed of four phases- namely emergency relief, rehabilitation, reform and modernization, and peace consolidation.
Emergency relief, rehabilitation, reform and modernization, peace consolidation

According to our text book, "Rehabilitation phase includes the physical reconstruction of social infrastructures such as schools, roads, health care facilities, and the restoration of basic public services such as governmental administration, policing, and restructuring of other security apparatuses.

According to our textbook, "it is possible to identify four dimensions that are significant in the process of conflict transformation."
4

Our textbook points out that "Reintegration stage includes long-term efforts to provide demilitarized ex-combatants with sustainable livelihoods and to help them to become a stakeholder in the process."

Our textbook explains that "the UN High Commissioner for Refugees has proposed an integrated approach for the return of refugees known as the “4R’s” (repatriation, reintegration, rehabilitation, and reconstruction)."

According to our textbook, "the United Nations stands as one of the most ambitious actors in the peacebuilding process with its broadening repertoire of tools and partnerships with other organizations."

Our book reports that "With its large-scale interventions in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan, NATO has proved its technical capability as an advanced regional organization in the area of military crisis management."

Johan Galtung is the name of the Norwegian sociologist who first coined the term peacebuilding.

Peacebuilding involves a range of measures targeted to reduce the risk of lapsing or relapsing into conflict by strengthening national capacities at all levels for conflict management.

The Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations is also known as the Brahimi Report.

The UN Peacebuilding Commission is tasked with marshaling the resources at the disposal of the international community and advise on and propose integrated strategies for peacebuilding and recovery.

The term 'negative peace' means absence of war.

Post-conflict reconstruction is mainly composed of four phases- namely emergency relief, rehabilitation, reform and modernization, and peace consolidation.

In post-conflict reconstruction, the emergency relief phase focuses on the most urgent issues in terms of the provision of basic security conditions and public needs such as food, water, shelter, medical services, and clothing for the survival of people.

In post-conflict reconstruction, rehabilitation phase includes the physical reconstruction of social infrastructures such as schools, roads, and health care facilities.

In post-conflict reconstruction, reform and modernization efforts focus on strengthening local people’s capability to rebuild their society and reforming governance institutions.

Disarmament is the collection, documentation, control, and disposal of small arms, ammunition, explosives, and light and heavy weapons of the combatants and the civilian population.

You can refer to "The Concept of Post-Conflict Peacebuilding and Reconstruction" section.
Johan Galtun is the right answer.

You can read "THE CONCEPT OF POSTCONFLICT PEACEBUILDING AND RECONSTRUCTION" section.
Choice A is right.

You can read "THE CONCEPT OF POSTCONFLICT PEACEBUILDING AND RECONSTRUCTION" section.
Choice A is right.

You can read in "THE CONCEPT OF POSTCONFLICT PEACEBUILDING AND RECONSTRUCTION" section.
Choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "THE MAIN GOALS OF POSTCONFLICT PEACEBUILDING AND RECONSTRUCTION" section.
Choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "THE MAIN GOALS OF POSTCONFLICT PEACEBUILDING AND RECONSTRUCTION" section.
Choice A is the right answer.

You can read in "THE MAIN GOALS OF POSTCONFLICT PEACEBUILDING AND RECONSTRUCTION" section.
The choice A is the right answer.