Page 23.
In his book titled The Prince, Machiavelli compares the Kingdom of France with the Ottoman Empire. According to him, a single ruler controls the monarchy in the Ottoman Empire; and everyone else is the servant of the ruler. The ruler divides his lands into sanjaks and sends several administrators to those sanjaks and he can change the administrators as he wishes. In a conflict against the ruler, it is not easy to convince the administrators around the ruler or the public. This is exactly why it is not possible to invade and conquer the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the correct option is A.

Page 23.
If we exclusively consider the administrative structure of the Ottoman State during its classic period, the administrators representing the ruler’s authority are located at the top layer of the stratification. These are soldiers, bureaucrats, and clergymen. The other major element of the stratification system consists of the rayah (reaya). The peasants, merchants, and artisans are the components that create this layer. Therefore, the correct option is C.

Page 23.
Ulama (ulema) has a fundamental role with both educational and legal functions. Therefore, the correct option is B.

Page 24.
the primary objective of the political system consisted of taking measures to prevent the radical transformation of the stratification system and maintaining the status quo. Therefore, the correct option is D.

Page 24.
Throughout the three centuries, from the 1300s until the 1600s, the Ottoman Empire was able to protect the status quo of the classical period without any significant obstacles. On the contrary, after the 1600s, it was impossible to maintain this order for various reasons. One of the main reasons is the disintegration of provincial order. When the land system, based on the production of small peasants and a subsistence economy began to be dissolved principally because of the corruption caused by the Sipahis, the control of the land was captured by the landlords and the Christian notables; and millions of peasants experienced harsh conditions. İnalcık argues that this is not an easy transformation, rather the fundamental reason causing the collapse of the empire. Therefore, the correct option is E.

Page 25.
The disintegration of the classical order meant the loss of power for the Ottoman Empire socially and economically, politically and militarily. The defeats, particularly in the military field, were regarded as the biggest problem for the administrator classes, followed by the disintegration of the classical order. Accordingly, there are efforts to implement a series of reform initiatives first in the military field for the restoration of the traditional order. In this regard, during the reign of Selim III and Mahmud II, we observe that many reforms were put into practice. For instance, Selim III attempted to create a new army as an alternative to Janissaries (Yeniçeriler) and hence, he is the one to implement the first major reform initiatives in the military field. Therefore, the correct option is C.

Page 26.
With the disintegration of the timar system, the effectiveness of the small peasantry, whose farming was based on subsistence, diminished in the agricultural production system. Large farms and mansions now replaced the small peasants in this phase. The development of large farms has another meaning for Ottoman economic and social life. The ayans or local notables were considerably strengthened in the system. The empowerment of the ayans is also related to the increase in the demand for agricultural products from abroad (Europe) and the relative liberalization of trade. Consequently, the ayans became a highly effective power in the last decades of the 18th century. Therefore, the correct option is A.

Page 27.
Based on the decisions taken, it could be stated that the signed contract represents a reconciliation between the interests of both the Sultan and ayans. Moreover, Deed of Alliance is considered to be the first constitutional document, through which the powers of the sovereign were limited for the first time, similar to the British Magna Carta that dates back to 1215. In this respect, it certainly represents a very critical step in our political life. Therefore, the correct option is D.

Page 36.
Erzurum Congress was an assembly of Turkish Revolutionaries held from 23 July to 4 August 1919 in the city of Erzurum, in eastern Turkey, in accordance with the previously issued Amasya Circular. The congress united delegates from six eastern provinces (vilayet) of the Ottoman Empire, many parts of which were under Allied occupation at the time. The major resolutions of the Erzurum Congress:
i) The unity and integrity of the fatherland are in danger; the mother-land is undivided.
ii) By no means nobody will emigrate from the region; the minorities’ destructive and dividing deeds will not be permitted.
iii) Every kind of national struggle is going to be fulfil to protect the independence and integrity of the mother-land.
iv) Mandate and protection are not acceptable.
Therefore, the correct option is B.

Page 42.
The main purpose of Kemalism was to achieve the ‘contemporary civilization level’. To this end, six principles were introduced by Kemalists. These were Republicanism, Secularism, Nationalism, Populism, Statism, and Reformism. Among these principles, republicanism was certainly at the base of the new regime. Secularism, as the principle of separation of the state from religious institutions, was one of the most significant components of the regime’s political and social project. Therefore, the correct option is A.

Throughout the three centuries, from the 1300s until the 1600s, the Ottoman Empire was able to protect the status quo of the classical period without any significant obstacles. On the contrary, after the 1600s, it was impossible to maintain this order for various reasons. One of the main reasons is the disintegration of provincial order. When the land system, based on the production of small peasants and a subsistence economy began to be dissolved principally because of the corruption caused by the Sipahis, the control of the land was captured by the landlords and the Christian notables; and millions of peasants experienced harsh conditions. İnalcık argues that this is not an easy transformation, rather the fundamental reason causing the collapse of the empire (2011, p. 39). Considering that the fiscal balance of the state was largely achieved by the agricultural production of the peasants, it would not be hard to see what serious consequences it had when the timar (tımar) system was dissolved. In addition, we need to note that the development of new weapon technologies was another significant development that transformed the classical order and that diminished the importance of the timar holder in the system. The increasing trade of the Ottoman Empire with the West and its peripheralization as the requirement of the capitalization constitute another variable that dissolved the classical order. Accordingly, the influence of the Ottoman Empire in the world economy gradually lost its value with the loss of commercial significance of the Mediterranean and the Silk Road. Certainly, the financial burden caused by the long wars with Iran and Russia signifies another important factor. All of these reasons caused the disintegration of the classical Ottoman system.

The Deed of Alliance is a treaty signed between ayans and the Ottoman State at the end of a meeting organized in the Ottoman capital with the invitation of Alemdar Mustafa Pasha. During the meeting, it was decided to reform the Janissary corps, to empower ayans with the authority to exert power on the bureaucratic officers assigned by the state, to guarantee the safety of the goods and privileges of the ayans and to include them in their heritage. In return, the ayans promised to show full respect to Sultan, to provide armed power and pay their taxes (Karpat, 2002, p. 56). Based on the decisions taken, it could be stated that the signed contract represents a reconciliation between the interests of both the Sultan and ayans (Karpat, 2006, p. 25). Moreover, Deed of Alliance is considered to be the first constitutional document, through which the powers of the sovereign were limited for the first time, similar to the British Magna Carta that dates back to 1215. In this respect, it certainly represents a very critical step in our political life.

On November 3, 1839, with the permission of Sultan Abdülmecid I (1839-1861), the Edict of Tanzimat was proclaimed by Mustafa Reşid Pasha. In its most general sense, the Edict of Tanzimat promised four basic reforms. The first of these is that the Edict guarantees the life, honor, and property of the subjects of the ruler. The second is the establishment of a regular taxation system that would replace the tax farming system. The third one is the compulsory military service. The latter signifies the promise of equality before the law for all the subjects, regardless of religion

Young Ottomans was a secret society established around the organization called “İttifak-ı Hamiyet”. These young people, customarily from prosperous families, fled to Europe after an unsuccessful attempt of coup d’état in 1867 and were reorganized under the name of “Young Ottomans Society” there (Tanör, 2006, p. 123). The critics about the implementations of the Tanzimat Era and the actors behind these practices (Mustafa Reşit, Ali and Fuat Pashas) brought together the peoples such as Namık Kemal, Şinasi, Ali Suavi, Ziya Pasha, Mustafa Fazıl Pasha, Sadık Rıfat Pasha, Agah Efendi, Reşad Bey, Mehmed Bey under the roof of the “Young Ottomans Society”. The Young Ottomans were frequently in disagreement ideologically. They have quite different ideas regarding the apprehension and solution of current problems. In contrast, their common characteristics consist of their opposition to the leading political actors and practices of the Tanzimat Era. The young Ottomans achieved their objectives on the adoption of the constitutional monarchy on 23 December 1876. Abdülhamid II promulgated the Ottoman constitution of 1876, namely Kanun-i Esasi.

When we study the social background of the Young Turks, who acted with the central motivation to oppose Abdülhamid, we can distinguish some major characteristics. First of all, they were exclusively men. The majority was Muslim. Again in this Muslim majority, the number of Turks was higher than the Kurdish, Arab, Circassian, and Albanians. Although there were a few Dönmehs (Who converted publicly to Islam), in practice, there were no Christians among them. Almost all of them lived in the cities. The majority were of Macedonia or İstanbul origins. Beyond all these characteristics, there were severe differences in the social backgrounds of the Young Turks. For example, while it was possible to encounter the offsprings of large land owners and children of the Pashas, it was also possible to notice those of merchants and officers. As emphasized earlier, most of them were trained in modern educational institutions. They generally spoke at least one foreign language, which was usually French. Finally, most of the Young Turks were government officials. There were civil servants, doctors, postmen, and teachers among them. On the other hand, it is necessary to remark that most of the prominent Young Turks are from the military

Let us try to list the mains reasons behind the 31 March Incident. First of all, because of the rationalist policies of the post1908 bureaucracy, some people who were seen abundant were removed from the offices, which was a serious reason for discomfort. Many people lost their jobs because of these policies. Secondly, the measures taken by the İTC to pave the way for the officers who studied at the Ottoman Military College to reach higher positions in the bureaucratic hierarchy led to a great dissatisfaction among the uneducated military staff. Thirdly, Ulama was aware that it would not be easy to maintain its effectiveness within a state structure controlled by the İTC. Hence, it may be stated that the ulama acted together with the opponents because they wanted to keep their position. Finally, the Ahrar opposition contributed significantly to the 31 March Incident.

The decision of the proclamation of the Republic led to the development of a certain opposition group within People’s Party. The abolition of the caliphate on 1 March 1924 caused the opposition to expand. In the end, 32 parliamentarians, who left HF established the Progressive Republican Party (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası-TpCF). The “Republican” word in the name was particularly important because the founders of the Party declared that they were not against the republican regime by using this statement. On 5 May 1925, the Ankara Independence Tribunal requested that TpCF to be closed by claiming that the provincial organization of the Party was involved in Sheikh Said Rebellion and supported the rebels. On June 5, 1925, the government announced that the TpCF was closed together with all its provincial organizations. The government claimed that TpCF cooperated with reactionary powers and strived to restore the Sultanate. Many members of the TpCF were prosecuted and imprisoned. Thus, the first attempts of the transition to a multi-party period ended in a short time.

Another great principle on which the new regime was based was secularism. Through the secularization policies, the influence of religion on political and social areas was aimed to diminish. Major developments in this stance were the abolition of the caliphate, the closure of Medressehs and lodges and zawiyas, the law of unification of education, and some regulations brought in the name of modern clothing. In 1928, the provision declaring that the “Religion of the State is Islam” was removed from the constitution. Thus, an essential step was taken towards the implementation of the principle of secularism. However, as explained below, secularism was introduced into the constitution in 1937.

In 1930, there was a second attempt to adopt a multi-party democracy through the foundation of another opposition party. Nevertheless, the opposition party was not established in its own dynamics. At the time, Atatürk requested that Fethi Bey (former Prime Minister), who was the Paris embassy, establish an opposition party with a liberal program. Atatürk requested from his sister Makbule Hanım and some CHP deputies that they register as members of the new party. Atatürk promised the Liberal Republican Party (Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası-SCF) founders that he would be impartial against both parties as the President of the Republic. SCF produced a significant impact in a short time. A large number of citizens from different areas applied to the party for becoming a member. The party completed its domestic organization in a short time. However, the growth of the party in a short time led to negative consequences for its political future. SCF participated in the local elections in October 1930, and won 30 out of 502 municipalities. The claims that the results of the elections were dishonest, made by the party’s leader, Fethi Bey, raised the tension considerably in politics. Some CHP leaders claimed that the new party posed a threat to their power. The tension between these two parties and the unease in his own party worried Atatürk as well, and he told Fethi Bey that he was the leader of CHP and would no longer remain neutral. This situation alarmed SCF leaders, particularly Fethi Bey. Therefore, in November 1930, SCF dissolved itself. He returned to diplomacy. One of these reasons why this opposition party was made to be founded by Atatürk was presumably to eliminate the dissatisfaction arousing within the country at the time. Indeed, the reforms in the early years of the Republic have caused dissatisfaction in the wider social sectors. Furthermore, economic difficulties in the country continued. Accordingly, it could be argued that the regime needed a controlled opposition (Zürcher, 2018, p. 211). In addition, the establishment of an opposition party was a functional tool for giving an image of a democratic country to the world. Nevertheless, it was unexpected that the SCF would grow in such a short time. Therefore, the attempt to create an opposition under the control of the regime was soon abandoned.

The CHP congress which convened in 1938, gave İnönü the title ‘National Chief’, whereas Atatürk was honored with the name of ‘Eternal Chief’. İnönü was also accepted as the ‘unchangeable president’ of CHP, which meant his full control over the regime so much that even the gap for an opposition was fulfilled by CHP itself, namely, Independent Group.

The administrative structure of the Ottoman State during its classic period, the administrators representing the ruler’s authority are located at the top layer of the stratification. These are soldiers, bureaucrats, and clergymen. The other major element of the stratification system consists of the rayah (reaya). The peasants, merchants, and artisans are the components that create this layer (İnalcık, 2009, p. 256). Within this stratification system, the soldiers are responsible for the protection of the land and undertake essential functions in the operation of the Ottoman economy. For example, Ottoman cavalry corps (sipahiler) are responsible for collecting soldiers in wartime and a certain amount of the products produced by the villagers in the name of tax and transferring them to the Center. Finally, the principal responsibility of the Ottoman administrative structure, which represented the authority of the sovereign, was to keep everyone’s position within the group and to accomplish the functions of the group. Hence, social mobility was kept to a minimum in this administrative structure.
The correct answer is A.

Throughout the three centuries, from the 1300s until the 1600s, the Ottoman Empire was able to protect the status quo of the classical period without any significant obstacles. On the contrary, after the 1600s, it was impossible to maintain this order for various reasons. One of the main reasons is the disintegration of provincial order. When the land system, based on the production of small peasants and a subsistence economy began to be dissolved principally because of the corruption caused by the Sipahis, the control of the land was captured by the landlords and the Christian notables; and millions of peasants experienced harsh conditions. İnalcık argues that this is not an easy transformation, rather the fundamental reason causing the collapse of the empire (2011, p. 39). Considering that the fiscal balance of the state was largely achieved by the agricultural production of the peasants, it would not be hard to see what serious consequences it had when the timar (tımar) system was dissolved. In addition, we need to note that the development of new weapon technologies was another significant development that transformed the classical order and that diminished the importance of the timar holder in the system. The increasing trade of the Ottoman Empire with the West and its peripheralization as the requirement of the capitalization constitute another variable that dissolved the classical order. Accordingly, the influence of the Ottoman Empire in the world economy gradually lost its value with the loss of commercial significance of the Mediterranean and the Silk Road. Certainly, the financial burden caused by the long wars with Iran and Russia signifies another important factor. All of these reasons caused the disintegration of the classical Ottoman system.
The correct answer is E.

The disintegration of the classical order meant the loss of power for the Ottoman Empire socially and economically, politically and militarily. The defeats, particularly in the military field, were regarded as the biggest problem for the administrator classes, followed by the disintegration of the classical order. Accordingly, there are efforts to implement a series of reform initiatives first in the military field for the restoration of the traditional order. In this regard, during the reign of Selim III and Mahmud II, we observe that many reforms were put into practice. For instance, Selim III attempted to create a new army as an alternative to Janissaries (Yeniçeriler) and hence, he is the one to implement the first major reform initiatives in the military field.
The correct answer is C.

Here are some significant common points related to the Ottoman modernization. Firstly, reform initiatives were mainly launched in the military field. Despite the turnover of the administrative staff, the attempts to reform the military field never ended in the last century of the Ottoman Empire. In the last years of the Ottoman Empire, German experts continued the reform activities formerly initiated by some French experts. Secondly, the reform initiatives that were launched in the military field were implemented in other problematic areas. For example, initiatives to improve tax collection mechanisms in order to improve the financial system of the state were persistently sustained by each ruler. Several measures have been taken in this direction and the system has experienced a transformation in the direction of establishing a modern system of finance. Similarly, the administrative and legal system of the state continuously improved. Finally, we should not forget to mention that the measures taken in the education system continued for a while.

On November 3, 1839, with the permission of Sultan Abdülmecid I (1839-1861), the Edict of Tanzimat was proclaimed by Mustafa Reşid Pasha. In its most general sense, the Edict of Tanzimat promised four basic reforms. The first of these is that the Edict guarantees the life, honor, and property of the subjects of the ruler. The second is the establishment of a regular taxation system that would replace the tax farming system. The third one is the compulsory military service. The latter signifies the promise of equality before the law for all the subjects, regardless of religion (Zürcher, 2010, p. 84).
The Edict of Tanzimat is the first comprehensive reform initiative for the solution of the “Eastern Question”.

Young Ottomans was a secret society established around the organization called “İttifak-ı Hamiyet”. These young people, customarily from prosperous families, fled to Europe after an unsuccessful attempt of coup d’état in 1867 and were reorganized under the name of “Young Ottomans Society” there (Tanör, 2006, p. 123). The critics about the implementations of the Tanzimat Era and the actors behind these practices (Mustafa Reşit, Ali and Fuat Pashas) brought together the peoples such as Namık Kemal, Şinasi, Ali Suavi, Ziya Pasha, Mustafa Fazıl Pasha, Sadık Rıfat Pasha, Agah Efendi, Reşad Bey, Mehmed Bey under the roof of the “Young Ottomans Society”.
The correct answer is B.

Mahmud Şevket Pasha, Ottoman soldier and statesman who, in 1909, suppressed a religious uprising, forced the subsequent deposition of Sultan Abdülhamid II, and served as grand vizier (chief minister) in 1913. Şevket graduated from the Cadet School in Constantinople as a staff captain in 1882. He served on the general staff of the Ministry of War, and in 1886 he joined a commission sent to Germany to supervise the manufacture of war matériel for the Ottoman army. On his return he was appointed director of the Inspection and Control Department, with the rank of general. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, which brought the Committee of Union and Progress to power, Şevket became commander of the 3rd Army at Salonika (Thessaloníki, now in Greece), in which capacity in 1909 he crushed a religious uprising against the Young Turk government, known as the 31st of March Incident, and deposed the sultan, who favoured a return to absolutism. He then became the inspector general of the first three army corps and minister of war, acquiring a position of great strength. In January 1913, when a group of army officers led by Enver Pasha overthrew the government of the Liberal Union Party and restored the Committee of Union and Progress to power, Şevket became grand vizier.
The correct answer is E.

TpCF is Turkey’s first opposition party.It was established under the leadership of Kazım Karabekir, Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Pasha, Refet (Bele) Pasha, Rauf (Orbay) Bey and Adnan (Adıvar) Bey.It was founded on November 17, 1924.The party opposed statism in the economic policies and defended the liberal economy. Politically, the party focused on the enlargement of freedoms. Following the Sheikh Said Rebellion, TPCF was closed following the Takrir-i Sükun Law.
The correct answer is C.

In 1930, there was a second attempt to adopt a multi-party democracy through the foundation of another opposition party. Nevertheless, the opposition party was not established in its own dynamics. At the time, Atatürk requested that Fethi Bey (former Prime Minister), who was the Paris embassy, establish an opposition party with a liberal program. Atatürk requested from his sister Makbule Hanım and some CHP deputies that they register as members of the new party. Atatürk promised the Liberal Republican Party (Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası-SCF) founders that he would be impartial against both parties as the President of the Republic.Hence, Fethi Bey established the party and a small number of deputies, most of whom were very close to Atatürk, registered in the new party. One of the founders of the party, like Fethi Bey, was Ahmet Ağaoğlu, who was recognized with his liberal views. Under the influence of these two founders, SCF adopted a liberal economic program, different from CHP’s approach that followed the statist policies. SCF produced a significant impact in a short time. A large number of citizens from different areas applied to the party for becoming a member.
The correct answer is C.

Bayar, Menderes, Koraltan, and Köprülü also declared that they established a new opposition party called Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti-DP).
The correct answer is D.

Starting its adventure as a beylic, Ottoman reign became a powerful empire particularly after the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror.

Selim III attempted to create a new army as an alternative to Janissaries (Yeniçeriler).

Consequently, the ayans became a highly effective power in the last decades of the 18th century. In this context, we can list Mehmet Ali Pasha, Alemdar Mustafa Pasha and Yanyali Ali Pasha were among the powerful Mayans. However, Mehmet Ali Pasha was an ayan in Egypt; Alemdar Mustafa Pasha was an ayan of Ruse (Rusçuk); Yanyali Ali Pasha was an ayan in Yanya (a place in today's Greece).

On November 3, 1839, with the permission of Sultan Abdülmecid I (1839-1861), the Edict of Tanzimat was proclaimed by Mustafa Reşid Pasha.

After the elections, the first Ottoman parliament (Meclis-i Mebusan) convened on March 19, 1877.

Hence, the military engineering school was opened in 1775 for the first time.

The events that were culminated in the 31 March Incident, were initiated by the conservatist Dervish Vahdedi, the owner of the Volkan newspaper.

In 1913 Enver Pasha became Minister of War, general, and pasha; in 1914, by marrying some Ottoman princes, he even acquired the title of Damad.

In February 1925, an armed uprising, known as “Sheikh Said Rebellion” started in Diyarbakır and Elazığ.

In 1927, Law for the Encouragement of Industry (Teşvik-i Sanayi Kanunu) was issued.

The correct answer is (A). We know this from your textbook (p.23),
"In his book titled The Prince, Machiavelli compares the Kingdom of France with the Ottoman Empire. According to him, a single ruler controls the monarchy in the Ottoman Empire; and everyone else is the servant of the ruler. The ruler divides his lands into sanjaks and sends several administrators to those sanjaks and he can change the administrators as he wishes. In a conflict against the ruler, it is not easy to convince the administrators around the ruler or the public. This is exactly why it is not possible to invade and conquer the Ottoman
Empire (Machiavelli, 2018)."

Suleiman, the Magnificient

Lonca Teşkilatı was Craftsmen Guild Craftsmen were obliged to comply with
the prices determined for their products. Moreover, being a member of the guild was strictly controlled.

This is the Classical Age.

Read the Section on Disintegration of the Classical Age of Ottoman Empire

The reform initiatives were mainly launched in the military field.

Read the section on Deed of Alliance on pages 26-27.

The correct answer is (D).

Eastern Question, diplomatic problem posed in the 19th and early 20th centuries by the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, centring on the contest for control of former Ottoman territories.

The correct answer is the Opposition to the Sultan.

The First Constitutional Era lasted between 1876 and 1878.

The Second Constitutional Era lasted between 1908 and 1918.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha decided to establish a group that would act in the ‘party discipline’ under his leadership in order to eliminate this faction in the Assembly and to prevent the never-ending discussions. On May 10, 1921, with the establishment of the Anatolian and Rumelia Defence of Rights Group (the First Group) led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the first political division, in the First Assembly, emerged.

The second party of the period is the Liberal Republican Party (Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası- SCF). By 1930, Turkey’s economic problems were aggravated by the impact of the Great Depression of 1929. Under these circumstances, at the request of Mustafa Kemal on August 12, 1930, the SCF was established by his close friend Fethi (Okyar) Bey

In fact, the first party established in the process of transition to multi-party life was not DP but Nuri Demirağ’s National Development Party.

The Homeland Front (Vatan Cephesi) is an attempt to establish a political front founded by the DP against the cooperating opposition after the 1957 elections, which has no legal characteristic.

During the interim regime between March 1971 and October 1973, four interim regime governments were established, the prime ministers of two of which were Nihat Erim and the other two, Ferit Melen and Naim Talu.

Süleyman Demirel and the Justice Party were removed from the power by the army on September 12, 1980.

Three parties were allowed to participate in the 1983 elections. These were the Nationalist Democracy Party (Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi- MDP) led by Retired General Turgut Sunalp, The Populist Party (Halkçı Parti-HP) led by Necdet Calp, who also served as principal clerk to İnonü, and the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi-ANAP) led by Turgut Özal.

The Dominant Party is a term used to refer to parties that have succeeded in coming to power in the elections held in accordance with democratic procedures for a long time.

Platonic State Model: In Plato’s ideal state there are three classes corresponding to three social functions: executives, protectors and producers. Protectors are the backbone of the police. They have a different life order than producers; they identified their assets with the Police. Plato refers to the Myth of Metals (Noble Lie) and he states that each class has an added ore to their soul. The ore of the executive, i.e. the philosopher, is gold. The absence of interference between these classes is a fundamental requirement for the police not to be corrupted or degenerate. Plato, in his book called State, contains very detailed regulations on the social life, education and upbringing of the protectors. The aim is to preserve the internal integrity of the protectors and to prevent the negative change in the Police in this way (Ağaoğulları, 2011, p. 101). In this context, there can be a similarity between the Ottoman military class and the protectors class of Plato.

The date of transition to constitutional-monarchy government in Turkey is 1876. The Ottoman constitution of 1876 which was an ephemeral experience, drafting the political-legal framework of First Constitutional Era did not bring a real sense of the parliamentary regime, yet, it has revealed, so to speak a ‘parliamentary’ pattern. First Constitutional Era which would end in 1878, is a period in which political parties have not emerged yet and no idea of choice based on universal and equal voting in a real sense was present.

Until Second Constitutional Era, there have been no political parties in a real sense in Turkey. The legacy of Second Constitutional Era is a period where organised parties and competing emerged for the first time. It would not be wrong to state that the foundations of the party system in Turkey were laid down in this period. There is no doubt that the most important political organization after 1908, which would later turn into a political party, was The Committee of Union and Progress.

The main opposition party of the Second Constitution Era was the Party for Freedom and Harmony (Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası HİF) established on 21 November 1911. This movement, which gathered around 70 deputies in the Parliament, united all the opponents (liberals, Islamists, minorities) of İTC within its body. HİF was an opposition party out of homogeneity; the unifying reason for the party was being the contrast of İTC. The political activity of HİF lasted for about two years. After 1913 Ottoman coup d’état, HİF was pushed out of the political arena with the establishment of an authoritarian one-party system.

The 1920-1923 period of BMM is essentially a non-party assembly. Anatolia and Rumelia Defence of Rights Association was established in Sivas Congress, but forming political parties was decided to be discussed later after the National Struggle. Immediately after the opening of the Assembly there were small groups operating within the Assembly. The most well-known of these are ‘Tesanut Group’, ‘Istiklal Group’, ‘Müdafaa-i Hukuk Group’, ‘Halk Group’ and ‘Islahat Group’. Deputies who did not take part in this group or did not want to participate in the Assembly first carried out an unorganized activity in the Assembly, and later in July 1922, they established the Second Defence of Rights Association (Second Group). The deputies who did not participate in both groups received the name of the Independent Group as a third group. According to the figures given by Frey, the First Group consisted of 197 members, the Second Group consisted of 118 members and the Independent Group consisted of 122 deputies (Frey, 1965, p. 307). It should be noted that the struggle between these three groups mainly occurred within the Assembly and their reflections to the public was weak.

The main debates on the Second Group can be gathered at the following points:

• Duties and responsibilities of the ‘Cabinet of Executive Ministers’
• Legislative Supremacy
• Discussions around the Supreme Military Law
• A matter of nomination in deputy elections
• Debates on the impartiality of the Assembly Presidency Council
• Independence Tribunals
• Fundamental Rights and Liberties

The official establishment date of the People’s Party was 9 September, 1923. Mustafa Kemal, before the end of the first parliamentary period, had put forward the Halk Fırkası (People’s Party-HF) based on the will of public rhetoric. On April 8, 1923, he announced that the HF would be established through the partying of the Anatolia and Rumelia Defence of Rights Society. In 1923, Mustafa Kemal, who formed an independent Assembly in his election, was elected to the post of Chair on September 9, 1923, after the adoption of the party’s charter on 9 September. After the declaration of the Republic, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was elected as the President and İsmet (İnönü) Pasha HF was appointed as the Deputy Chairman. The party was renamed as Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası-CHF) in 1924. From the establishment until the multiparty period transition (1923-1946) CHF has maintained its character as a one-party of Turkey and has been the hallmark of this era.

Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti-DP), which came to power at 14 May 1950 elections, is not a party that gave direction to Turkish politics during its 10-year rule. DP is a party that goes beyond the period of its rule and continues its effects even after it was closed by the military coup on 27 May, 1960. DP and its leader Menderes are an important basis for legitimacy for the liberal-conservative centre-right politics which has the potential support of roughly two-thirds of the people in Turkey. Almost all of the parties in this line are trying to show themselves as a continuation of DP and to lay claim on the DP legacy

The party that closed after the 1960 coup was DP. After the coup, the suspended activities of other parties (CHP and CKMP) were released on 29 September 1960. The main issue after the coup was, who would fill the DP’s vacancy. The two biggest candidates were, Justice Party (Adalet Partisi-AP) under the presidency of Ragıp Gümüşpala and the New Turkey Party under the presidency of Ekrem Alican. Both parties had a liberal program and seeked to fill the gap that the DP had left. The view which appeared in the elections of 15 October 1961 after the May 27 coup, gives the impression that there was a change in the party system at first glance. However, a closer look reveals that there is no fundamental change. The formation of a four-party parliament can be explained by the competition of three parties targeting the DP voters. More importantly, it is seen that the election did not change the table of the period of 1950-60, and the division taking place over the centre-periphery opposition is preserved. CHP received % 36.7of the votes in the 1961 National Assembly; this rate is about 4.5 points below the CHP’s votes in the 1957 elections. In this election, AP received %34.8, Republican Villagers Nation Parti (Cumhuriyetçi Köylü Millet Partisi-CKMP) %14 and New Turkey Parti (Yeni Türkiye PartisiYTP) %13.7 of the votes. The votes of these three parties matching to the DP votes are 62.5%. This table shows that the superiority of the parties seeking the periphery votes continues to increase.

Three parties were allowed to participate in the 1983 elections. These were the Nationalist Democracy Party (Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi MDP) led by Retired General Turgut Sunalp, The Populist Party (Halkçı Parti-HP) led by Necdet Calp, who also served as principal clerk to İnonü, and the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi-ANAP) led by Turgut Özal, who served as the minister responsible for the economy in the post-coup government. Although Kenan Evren clearly favoured the MDP, ANAP which was given the role of ‘small/half’ party, won the election by %45.1 vote rate. ANAP is Turkey’s first truly ‘catch-all’ party. Özal, who claimed to unite the four tendencies, described his party as a nationalist, conservative, and a party in favour of free enterprise and social justice. ANAP was a party with weak ideological basis, that combined politics with economic rationality, promised social and economic transformation (with Özal’s conceptualization ‘transformation’ and ‘leap of age’), and paid attention to the welfare of the middle classes (as Özal calls it ‘the middle pillar’).

The date of transition to constitutional-monarchy government in Turkey is 1876.

Prince Sabahaddin (1877-1948) went to Europe after receiving private education. Here, he joined the Le Play School, which claimed to establish a new science (sociology). According to Sabahaddin Bey, who adopted the ideas of this school, there are two types of families and two types of societies based on these two types of families. These are ‘tecemmüî ‘(communitarian) family and society, and ‘infiradî’ (individual, individualist) family and society. In communitarian societies, people lack the power of attempt, they expect everything from the community. In the individualist family and society, individuals trust themselves first and have personal initiative. The latter type is more successful in the face of family and community life. According to Sabahaddin Bey, the success of the Anglo-Saxon world stems from the characteristics of the individualist society. Anglo-Saxon countries are organized according to the principles of decentralization and individual enterprise. Sabahaddin believed that the issue for the Ottoman Empire would not end with the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy. As the existing despotism was the result of the social structure; if this structure cannot be changed, even if a new constitutionalism comes, a new autocracy would be unavoidable.
The correct answer is E.

The main opposition party of the Second Constitution Era was the Party for Freedom and Harmony (Hürriyet ve İtilaf FırkasıHİF) established on 21 November 1911.

The legacy of Second Constitutional Era can be summarized at several points: (1) In the Second Constitutional Monarchy period, a fundamental change occurred in the conception of sovereignty. The foundations of the transition from monarchical domination to nation domination were laid down. 2) The exercise of power use based on the separation of the parliamentary regime and the powers is the legacy of this period. (3) Turkey experienced first multiparty political experience, political contestants and parties were institutionalized during this period. (4) The division of İTC-HİF also determined the line of political conflict of later periods. The division between the modernist-authoritarian line and the liberal-conservative line gained continuity. This division was reproduced at different levels in different periods. (5) The style of politics, based on the methods of oppression of İTC, led to a weak political tradition with its legal and normative dimension. An approach that reduced the politics to a power struggle that became settled. (6) Another negative aspect of the Second Constitutional Era was the politicization of the army. It is also the legacy of this period that the army was transformed into a pro-coup-overthrown political power, and beyond that it adopted this role.
The correct answer is E.

From the establishment until the multiparty period transition (1923-1946) CHF has maintained its character as a one-party of Turkey and has been the hallmark of this era. .During the one-party period, there are two short-lived parties who claim to represent the districts in front of CHF, the representative of the ‘centre’. The establishment of a one-party administration became established after the Liberal Party experience in 1930.
The correct answer is B.

Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti-DP), which came to power at 14 May 1950 elections, is not a party that gave direction to Turkish politics during its 10-year rule.
The correct answer is C.

The 1961 election is a complete disappointment for both CHP and for the 27 May supporters. However, a government that is a continuation of DP could not be allowed after the coup. The CHPAP coalition government was established under these conditions.
The correct answer is C.

With the military coup of 12 September 1980, the political regime was restored, and progress was made as a reaction to the negativity of the previous period.With the military coup of 12 September 1980, the political regime was restored, and progress was made as a reaction to the negativity of the previous period. Two instruments were used to prevent government crises and stop fragmentation in the political party system. The first is the protection of the proportional representation system by the electoral law, but the introduction of a %10 country-wide electoral threshold. This arrangement was intended to keep small parties, as well as parties deemed ‘out of system’, out of parliament. With the %10 electoral threshold, the current proportional representation system was expected to produce similar results to the majority systems. The second instrument was to close all political parties after the coup and to allow only three parties to enter the elections held in 1983
Despite the 10% country-wide electoral threshold, from 1991 elections to the 2002 elections, no party was able to come to power alone.
Another important development in the 90s was the involvement of the parties which were predominantly elected from the East and Southeast, came out with the claim of carrying the demands of the Kurds to politics.
The correct answer is E.

The party system refers to the complex network of relations between and among political parties. This network of relationships varies according to the number of parties, their size, power strategies and electoral system. The most commonly used criteria for classifying party systems is the number of parties competing for power. According to the classical classification of Duverger using the number criterion, there are three types of party systems: (1) One-party system, (2) Two-party system (3) Multi-party system. In the One-party system, a second party is not allowed except for one-party; there is only one- party in the system. One-party systems are divided into two groups. The authoritarian single parties that are not based on an inclusive ideology and the totalitarian One-parties based on a holistic ideology. The second group are communist and fascist parties that are mobilizing society through an ideology, aiming at a new type of human and society that conforms to this ideology. The best example of two-party systems is the US and UK. The two-party system is not the system with only two parties, but a system with two parties which have power potentials competing for political power. Around 90% of the total votes in almost every election is shared between the two parties. The ruling power changes in the hands of these two parties. Duverger states that a simple majority system only supports a two-party system. However, this is not a mechanical relationship. It should be noted that two-party systems work well in countries that have social consensus on the political regime. Multi-party systems are systems with more than two parties competing for power or having the power to influence power. It is divided into two as moderate and excessive multi-party systems. In the moderate multiparty system, parties tend to cluster around two centres. Power changes hands between these alliances that are formed to the right or left of the centre. According to Duverger, two-tiered majority systems support moderate multi-party systems. Excessive multiparty systems are not characterized by a large multiplicity of party numbers, but a multiplicity of political poles and the distance between them. The excessive multiparty system is seen in countries where there is a lack of consensus on the political regime and leads to instability of the government. Duverger believes that pure proportional representation systems support the multi-party system.
The correct answer is D

With the 2016 referendum, Turkey adopted the Presidential governmental system.
The correct answer is A.

The 1961 election is a complete disappointment for both CHP and for the 27 May supporters. However, a government that is a continuation of DP could not be allowed after the coup. The CHPAP coalition government was established under these conditions.

Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti-DP), which came to power at 14 May 1950 elections, is not a party that gave direction to Turkish politics during its 10-year rule. DP is a party that goes beyond the period of its rule and continues its effects even after it was closed by the military coup on 27 May, 1960. DP and its leader Menderes are an important basis for legitimacy for the liberal-conservative centre-right politics which has the potential support of roughly two-thirds of the people in Turkey. Almost all of the parties in this line are trying to show themselves as a continuation of DP and to lay claim on the DP legacy.

CKMP was transformed into an ideological Turkish nationalist party under the leadership of Alparslan Türkeş and took its place in the Assembly in 1969 under the name of the Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi-MHP)

CHP votes fell even below the 1965 vote rates in 1969 elections. The two most important reasons of CHP’s decline were the centre-left politics’ causing loss of votes in the East and Southeast; and Unity Party of Turkey (Türkiye Birlik Partisi-TBP) being included into the party system with an aim to represent the Alevi. The TBP also pointed to a new functional division based on belief-identity in the party system.

When Süleyman Demirel led an AP formed government alone in 1969 and obtained enough majority in parliament, its failure to pass the budget through the Assembly in 1970, moved Turkey to a new crisis, in which one of the sides was the army.

GP (Reliance Party-Güven Partisi): A minor party that was created in 1967 by a dissident group of CHP parliamentarians. Turhan Feyzioğlu was the chairman of this new party. Later renamed CGP (Republican Reliance Party-Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi).

Three parties were allowed to participate in the 1983 elections. These were the Nationalist Democracy Party (Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi MDP) led by Retired General Turgut Sunalp, The Populist Party (Halkçı Parti-HP) led by Necdet Calp, who also served as principal clerk to İnonü, and the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi-ANAP) led by Turgut Özal, who served as the minister responsible for the economy in the post-coup government.

The party that passed the crisis of the 90s and ensured political stability turned out to be the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi-AK Party), which came to power after the 2001 economic crisis.

Ecevit who was elected as the leader of the CHP against İnönü in 1972, made CHP the first party in the 1973 elections, with his stance against 12 March

Then came Demirel’s prime ministery and the Nationalist Front Government (AP-MHP-MSP-CGP) was a harbinger of the frontline politics, which would influence both parliament and society.

The ruling class included the palace, army members, civil servants, and education and judicial officials (ulema). The farmers were not among the ruling class. The correct answer is (E).

The centre-periphery division was maintained through the clash between the modern-secular elite and the liberal-conservative elite.

The Second Constitutional Era is a period when organised parties and competing emerged for the first time. Among the first political parties, the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti-İTC) was among the most important during the years of 1908-1918.

The ideological label which is generally attributed to İTC, is Turkism. It should be noted that Turkism of İTC is not an ideological attitude determined from the beginning, but it is the result of certain conditions and necessities. It is a fact that İTC was influenced by the nationalist ideas of the French Revolution.

Sultan Abdülhamis was dethroned after the 31 March Incident.

This is The Sivas Congress

According to According to Duverger. a French researcher, one-party in Turkey has never been based on a One-party doctrine, it did not recognize the one-party monopoly of an official nature, or even because of this political monopoly
has been heard of embarrassment and discomfort. The Order introduced by the One Party is more democratic than before.
So the correct answer is (C).

DP’s social support is far from homogeneity, resembling a coalition, including all the groups above. So, the correct answer is (E).

Social stability is the correct answer according to your textbook.

The first and perhaps most important of the reasons is that Turkey, as a dynamic social structure and having an extension of social change, is also undergoing a rapid transformation of the political structure. The electoral system cannot keep up with the changing system of parties. For example, an electoral system
suitable for the structure of parties with two large mass parties is beginning to produce negative results as the political party system evolves into a
structure with many and close parties. The second reason is that there is no consensus between the social and political elites on the expectations of the
elections and the objectives of the electoral system.

Panislamism is an ideology based on religious identity in order to preserve the unity of the Ottoman Empire.

Corporatism is a means of incorporating organized interests into the processes of government.

Nation-state is a sovereign political association within which citizenship and nationality overlap; one nation within a single state.

Ali Fuad Başgil defended nationalism based on liberal and conservative values.

Conservatism emerged as a political thought in the modern period on the basis of the response to the philosophy of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.

The most important political feature of conservatism is ‘anti-revolution’.

Hüseyin (iştirakçi) Hilmi is known as the founding father of the socialist movement in Turkey.

The main channel of the first generation Islamists is the magazine of Sırat-ı Müstakim.

Prince Sabahaddin founded the Ottoman Liberal Party to oppose the more statist and centralist policies of the Union and Progress Party.

Journal of Kaktüs expresses a socialist feminist approach.

Kemalism radically differentiates itself from the previous Ottomanism and Islamism movements in terms of who the nation is. It also ideologically transforms the concept of Turkism from the Ottoman period and places it on the basis of the new secular republic. The understanding of Kemalist nationalism is not expansionist and irredentist. It does not have Turanist or Pan-Turkist aims. Within the national borders it has got homogeneous and anti-pluralist nature. The aim of Kemalism is to build a modern society and the state. But the existing social and political structure is not suitable for this purpose. For this reason, Kemalists first of all try to design society and the state through economic, cultural and legal regulations. This is a kind of social engineering attempt. At this point, nationalism in the modernization project of Kemalism serves the purpose of forming a homogeneous socio-cultural structure with a secular basis.

The currents of thought such as Ottomanism, Panislamism, Turkism, Turanism were advocated to return the empire to its former strong days and to fend off existing threats. The common ideal of these currents of thought is to ensure unity of the state. In short, these currents do not have a sociological basis that comes from the social background; political projects designed by statesmen and intellectuals

The currents of thought such as Ottomanism, Panislamism, Turkism, Turanism were advocated to return the empire to its former strong days and to fend off existing threats. The common ideal of these currents of thought is to ensure unity of the state. In short, these currents do not have a sociological basis that comes from the social background; political projects designed by statesmen and intellectuals. For the empires, such as the Ottoman Empire, the nationalism movement which had strengthened and spread in the 19th century had serious consequences.

The Ottoman Empire, which embraces different languages, religions and cultures, tried to use the ‘Ottoman’ identity as a general national name in order to deal with the new nationalist waves. This current of thought, expressed as Ottomanism (İttihad-ı Osmani), was born to provide the integrity of the remaining land and to prevent its disintegration

Islamism is another current of thought that is developed as an alternative to the nationalism in the Western form. This movement, called ‘Panislamism’ at that time, introduced an ideology based on religious identity in order to preserve the unity of the Ottoman Empire. However, the Islamist ideology that generates excitement and broad support among the intellectuals was not successful too.

The principle of Kemalist laicism aims at the gradual reduction of the influence of religion on political, social and individual life. Religious control of state affairs is abolished but state control over religion continues. When the state deems it necessary, it uses the religion as a tool for its own legitimacy. But this religion is not a dogmatic religion in the traditional sense; it is a rationalized religion that is compatible with reason and science. One of the aims of taking religion into state control is to prevent religious social opposition which could object to Kemalist power. Kemalism seeks to build a ‘Turkish Islam’ in harmony with nationalism instead of other Islamic interpretations that are widespread in the world. But regulations and practices based on the principle of Kemalist laicism paradoxically set the stage for the development of an Islamist opposition against the regime.

In its first phase, Turkish nationalism, like other nationalisms, has developed as language nationalism. Efforts to simplify Turkish language have taken place in this context. In addition, studies on Turkish race are also included in this framework. Pan-Turkism or Turanism, which is presented as a solution of saving the Ottoman Empire, advocates the unity of the Turkish communities in Central Asia under a single political framework. But the Republic rejects Turanism systematically and limits its own nationalism to Anatolia. This idea, which is trying to prove that Anatolia is a Turkish homeland, develops a new history thesis. According to this thesis, the Turks are 9,000 years old settled people of Anatolia. The Sumerian and Hittite civilizations belong to Turks; even at the base of European languages and civilization there are Turkish languages and ethnic groups. In the 1970s, the representative of nationalist ideology in the political sphere became Nationalist Action Party.

The liberal-conservative forms of nationalism seem more moderate than others. They try to add modernity and democracy to Turkish and Islamic elements of nationalist ideology. The question of modernization, the main element in the historical context of nationalism, is also added into the goal of rescuing and keeping the state. The synthesis that Ziya Gökalp sought to establish among Turk, Islam and Modernity is also the beginning of works in this direction. Yusuf Akçura, who proposes Turkism as a liberation force against Ottomanism and Islamism in his work titled ‘Three Types of Policy’, can also be mentioned as one of the liberal nationalists. Ali Fuad Başgil also defended nationalism based on liberal and conservative values. Other important names that may be mentioned in this context are Mümtaz Turhan and Erol Güngör.

The most important political feature of conservatism is ‘anti-revolution’. According to the conservatives, irreversible, forcebased radical changes create violence at the social and political level. It is not possible to establish a healthy social and political order through revolutionary change. Taking into account the existing order and institutions, a gradual or evolutionist change is healthier in terms of both the individual and the social order.

Liberalism in the broad sense accepts the individual as the basic unit of social analysis. Liberal thought opposes to all forms of oppression against the individual and demands economic, social, religious and political freedom. Liberalism, which is a kind of freedom theory, was born as a reaction to the old system in which various parts of the state and society could intervene in the rights and freedoms of the individual. While the left and socialism emphasize equality, liberalism emphasizes freedom. Liberalism is not just an economic doctrine; it is a multi-faceted ideology advocating certain basic views on the social and political sphere. In this context, liberalism is not collectivist but individualist; defends negative liberty far from positive freedom; calls for limited and responsible state, not an interventionist and oppressive state; believes in procedural justice based on market economy, against social justice based on redistribution.

The ideology of nationalism changed the view of the traditional Monarch-Subject (Teba) in the Ottoman Empire.

Kemalism does not have Turanist or Pan-Turkist aims.

Liberal nationalism tries to synthesize nationalism with liberal values such as democracy and the rule of law. Conservative nationalism has an understanding compatible with the status quo against revolutionary approaches. Expansionist nationalism represents the aggressive direction of this ideology. Left nationalism is more associated with an anti-imperialist approach.

Pan-Turkism or Turanism, which is presented as a solution of saving the Ottoman Empire, advocates the unity of the Turkish communities in Central Asia under a single political framework.

The synthesis that Ziya Gökalp sought to establish among Turk, Islam and Modernity is also the beginning of works in this direction.

According to conservatism, society involves a natural inequality.

Option B is related to directly to Turkish conservatism.

The main aim of socialism is to end the exploitation relations between the oppressor and the oppressed. B is related to liberalism, C and E are about conservatism and D is about Liberal nationalism.